04-29-03 Charter Commission Regular MeetingCITY OF HOPKINS
CHARTER COMMISSION
AGENDA
April 29, 2003
6:30 p.m.
Conference Room 227
1. Call to Order
2. Roll Call
3. Election of Chair and Co -Chair
4. Approval of the Minutes of the Previous Meeting
5. Reports
6. Consideration of Communications
7. Old Business
8. New Business
• Discussion of Alternative Voting Systems
9. Adjournment
ATTACHMENTS:
• Minutes of the February 12, 2002 Charter Commission meeting.
• Presentation on Alternative Voting Systems
• "FairVote Minnesota promotes new way to vote" Sun Newspapers
CHARTER COMMISSION
April 29, 2003
Name
Term
Term Expires
Sid Blair
First
10/20/2005
Dorothy Boen
First
4/13/2004
John Frane
First
6/10/2004
Roger Gross
First
4/13/2004
Marjorie Hance
Second
9/26/2004
Fran Hesch
First
4/7/2006
John Hutchison
First
10/20/2005
Roger Johnson
First
8/26/2005
Charles Kritzler
Second
9/26/2004
,--",James
Shirley
Second
10/8/2004
Chair: Charles Kritzler
Vice -Chair: Dorothy Boen
Minutes of the Hopkins Charter Commission
February 12, 2002
The Hopkins Charter Commission met on February 12. Present were Commission members: Sid
Blair, Dorothy Boen, John Franc, Marjorie Hance, John Hutchison, Chuck Kritzler, Henry
Pokorny and Hairy Smith. Assistant City Manager Jim Genellie was also present.
The meeting was brought to order at 6:30 p.m.
Approval of the Minutes of the Previous Meeting.
Commissioner Blair moved and Commissioner Smith seconded a motion to approve the minutes
of Febiliary 5, 2002. The Commission voted unanimously to approve the minutes.
Reports.
There were no official reports.
Communications
There were no communications.
Old Business
Establishment of the Police Review Committee
Commissioner Smith moved and Commissioner Franc seconded the motion to approve
Resolution 2002-01 recommending that the City Council adopt Ordinance 2002-867 amending
the Charter to add a Police Review Conunittee.
Commissioner Blair requested that the City Council be informed that several commissioners
preferred simply abolishing the Civil Service Commission.
Commissioner Hance had a question concerning the hiring procedures in the Police Department.
Were there any requirements for the procedures used to hire employees other than those outlined
in the Civil Service Commission rules? Mr. Genellie provided a copy of a section of the
Minnesota Rules that mandated procedures for the hiring of police officers.
After some further discussion, the question was called. A poll of the vote was as follows:
Commissioner Blair, Nay; Commissioner Boen, Aye; Commissioner Franc, Aye; Commissioner
Hance, Aye; Commissioner Hutchison, Nay; Commissioner Kritzler, Aye; Commissioner
Pokorny, Aye; and Commissioner Smith, Aye. The motion passed.
Removing the Requirement that an Ordinance becomes effective twenty days after
publication.
Commissioner Smith moved and Commissioner Boen seconded the motion to approve
Resolution 2002-02 recommending that the City Council adopt Ordinance 2002-869 amending
the Charter to eliminate the twenty -day waiting period after an ordinance is published for it to
become effective.
- 1 -
Commissioner Hutchison argued that there should be a period of time between the date an
ordinance is published and when it takes effect. Mr. Genellie responded that there were often
times when the delay was unnecessary. He used the example of the Pawnshop ordinance. This
ordinance only affects one business and that business was consulted during the process of
creating the ordinance. A waiting period for the purpose of the licensee to become aware of the
ordinance is not necessary. He also explained that the City Council would retain the ability to set
any effective date they wished on any ordinance. For example, if the City Council adopts an
ordinance limiting the number of vehicles that a household can have parked outside, the Council
may want to have a waiting period greater than twenty days before the ordinance becomes
effective.
After some ftirther discussion, the question was called. A poll of the vote was as follows:
Commissioner Blair, Nay; Commissioner Boen, Aye; Commissioner Frane, Aye; Commissioner
Hance, Aye; Commissioner Hutchison, Nay; Commissioner Kritzler, Aye; Commissioner
Pokorny, Aye; and Commissioner Smith, Aye. The motion passed.
The Commission set its next meeting for April 29, 2003 at 6:30 p.m.
New Business
There was no new business.
Adjournment.
Prior to adjournment it was announced that Commissioners Pokorny and Smith were completing
their second terns on the Commission. They were thanked for their participation.
Commissioner Smith moved and Commissioner Hutchison seconded the motion to adjourn. The
meeting adjourned by imanimous consent.
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Making Every Vote Count
Vision for better democracy
—Broaden representation
—Strengthen accountability
—Deepen discourse
—Increase participation
What's wrong with the
winner -take -all system?
P►Tilemma: conscience v. lesser of two evils
PwNo riaht to representation
-"No choice" elections
,,-,Majori rule?
.-Accountable to whom?
z-Voters' rational apathy
Alternative Voting Systems
Making Democracy Work
Even Better
Defmitions
voting system: rules that determine how
voters vote and how winners
are chosen
winner take all: voting system where voters
vote for as many candidates
as can be elected; those with
the most votes win, all
others lose
Majority rule?
With increasing
frequency,
"winners" receive
less than majority
of the votes
2-,Clinton
45
40
35
30
25
20% ❑ 1992
15 % Pn•�Wenttul
10 % ulecunn
5%
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Majority rule?
With increasing ao i
frequency, 3u
"winners" receive 25 r
zoi
less than majority tsi
of the votes to i
si
2?► Clinton o R r
,;-i o
►'Ventura , G r
w
Accountable to whom?
Presence of special interest money raises
doubt that public interest is being
served
Two -round elections
— Longer campaigns with greater cost for
campaigns and election administration
—Greater opportunity for negative
campaigning in second election
— Reducing large field to two candidates in one
step may be too abrupt
—Reduced participation in choosing the.
winners
Zero sum game
(I win, you lose - or vice versa )
Intense partisan bickering at expense of
public's business
Voters' rational alnathy
Fewer and fewer bother to vote
Can you blame them?
The Solution: Preference Voting
—Allows as many voters as possible to win
representation
— Is more competitive, strengthening
accountability
— Provides for more substantive discussion of
issues
—Eliminates need for two elections and gives
each vote greater effect, increasing
participation
2
Democracy in Sweden
2-Issue-oriented campaigns
zwMeaningful choices for voters
-,High voter turnout
zwWomen elected in large numbers
-Stable governments, prosperous economy
Instant Run-off Voting
for executive offices
P- Goal: assure
majority rule
❑ Bob Lund
v-,Voters rank
candidates in order
❑ Jan Fritz
of choice
zVCount first choices
❑ Willie Brown
cast for each
candidate
❑ Rosa Santos
Instant Run-off Voting
for executive offices
,Candidate with fewest first choice votes is
eliminated — those votes go to candidates
listed as second choice on each ballot
Lund Fritz Brown SVtos
14 11 9 6
+3 +2 +1
17 13 10
What are the alternatives and
why are they better?
zwInstant Run-off Voting for executive offices
a -Proportional (or "Full") Representation for
legislative bodies
Instant Run-off Voting
for executive offices
-Candidate with fewest first choice votes is
eliminated
Lund Fritz Brown Santos
14 11 9 6
Instant Run-off Voting
for executive offices
-Process continues until one candidate wins
with majority of votes
Lund Fritz Bb4%,n S'Jkos
14 11 9 6
+3 +2 +1
17 13 10
+2 +8
19 21
Advantages of
Instant Run-off Voting
2-Assures majority rule
zwProvides greater choice for voters
,,-Promotes better campaigns
,—Eliminates "conscience v. lesser -of -two -
evils" dilennna
How can I learn more about
alternative election systems?
Call on FairVote
FairVote Minnesota
Minnesota as a resource
PO Box 19440
. speakers bureau
Minneapolis MN 55419
. study circles
tel 612-724-5540
. public policy
infood FairVoteMN.org
. information resources
wvvw.FairVoteMN.org
. technical assistance
What can you do about
alternative voting systems?
aw Stay connected. Sign up with FairVote Minnesota
to keep abreast of the issues
zw Study, on your own and with others, the impact of
voting systems on effectiveness of democracy
w Start using alternative voting systems in your own
organizations
- Seek endorsement of alternative voting systems
for public elections by organizations of which you
are a member
ATot
m -NI 1 N. S 01 A
— Education
— Public Poliev
— Election services
wuu.FairVotcMN.ore
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FairVote Minnesota promotes new way to vote
By James Proescholdt
Sun Newspapers .
(Created 3/27/03 8:37:00 AM)
Elections have always left some voters feeling disgruntled. FairVote Minnesota, a
nonprofit and nonpartisan organization, is advocating a new form of tallying votes
that would attempt to reduce these problems, making every vote count.
In a presentation on March 19 in Hopkins, Tony Anderson Solgard, chairman of
FairVote Minnesota, said several problems arise out of the voting system now in
place, what he called the "first past the post" system.
According to Solgard, in this system, only the largest group wins representation
in an election. The candidate that gets past the "post" first wins the position, no
matter if that candidate has the support of a majority of registered voters or not.
"Everyone else loses, even if everyone else is the majority of the voters," he said.
For this reason, the system is sometimes referred to as "winner takes all."
Solgard, who was also a past member of the Minnesota DFL Party State
Executive Committee, said that too often, seats go to candidates without the
majority's approval. He said that for the top individual positions in the state of
Minnesota, 10 of the last 11 election winners won with less than a majority vote.
He said the most prominent of these victors was Jesse Ventura, who won with
only 35 percent of voters voting for him.
Solgard said that in the "first past the post" system, candidates often resort to
desperate campaign tactics to win. He said that negative campaigns often target
swing voters, the voters who are undecided. He said this tactic cheapens
discourse. "Who are they speaking to? They're not speaking to you and me, the
people who are engaged," said Solgard.
He said that across a population, the group of voters with the largest number of
votes get their officials elected. The remainder of the population does not receive
any sort of representation, even though it may make up the majority of voters.
Solgard said that elections that use wards for residents to vote usually succumb
to the same pitfall. Though wards promote geographic diversity, they still allow
the largest group to win. "Trends in the population tend to be distributed
throughout the population," he explained. He said that in his hometown of
Minneapolis, 60 percent of voters are DFL-affiliated, but all the City Council
positions are held by DFL-affiliated candidates.
Two -round elections also have their share of problems, said Solgard. With a
primary and a final election, the process is longer and more costly. Also, reducing
a large field of candidates to two in one step may be too abrupt. Solgard pointed
to the election in France last year where the vote was split among so many
factions, that voters were surprised to find a "neo-fascist," Jean-Marie Le Pen,
one of the elected candidates.
Solgard also said that two -round elections practically encourage the final
candidates to sling mud. He said that the candidates try to "make the other guy
look muddier. You've just got mud on your hands. They've got mud all over."
Preference voting
The solution to these problems, said Solgard, is preference voting. Under this .
process, voters select which candidates they would like to win, and in what order.
Instead of voting for a single candidate or a group of candidates, each voter
forms a list of candidates ranked in the order of preference.
The new process would require candidates to achieve a majority of votes. This
factor significantly changes the tallying of votes. Say, for example, that three
candidates run for a single seat and none immediately receives the majority of
the votes. The candidate who received the lowest number of votes would be
removed from the race, and all the votes that person received would instead be
added to the respective second choices on the ballots. Solgard said that in many
instances, the candidate that at first seemed the victor would come in second
place.
The preference voting process would eliminate the "wasted vote syndrome,"
according to Solgard. Even if voters' first choices do not win, their votes would go
to their second choices.
Hopkins resident Fran Hesch, who organized the event, said that this system
would have helped her in the 2000 election. She wanted to vote for third -party
candidate Ralph Nader, but wasn't sure if she should have voted for Al Gore
instead. In the end she voted her heart and decided on Nader. "Some people
would say I threw my vote away, but a system like this would allow you to have
your cake and eat it too," she said.
Solgard said that the benefits under preference voting would be numerous. He
said that it would broaden representation, strengthen accountability, deepen
discourse on issues and increase participation. "There's no such thing as a
wasted vote here," he said.
2
Rep. Jim Rhodes, R-44A, attended the meeting and said that politicians need to
` consider preference voting. "This issue needs to be brought to the table," he said.
"We can't just dismiss it." He suggested testing the system in a small pilot
election.
Solgard said that the Minnesota Senate is already debating a bill that would
implement preference voting in some instances. The bill, Senate File Number
629, is authored by Sen. Linda Scheid, DFL-Brooklyn Park.
According to Solgard, the sole disadvantage to preference voting would be the
cost. New machines to tabulate the votes might be expensive. However, he said
that the state of Minnesota has some funds earmarked to buy new voting
equipment in the near future. He hopes to persuade state officials to consider
preference voting when purchasing the equipment.
Solgard advocated testing the preference voting system slowly at first. He
suggested that small elections begin piloting instant runoff voting, a preference
voting process for electing candidates to single -seat positions, like mayors or
presidents. He said that after elections have used this procedure, then cities
could hold elections for races with multiple positions, like city councils or school
boards. Solgard said that implementing preference voting into mainstream
elections would take time. "It's an incremental change," he said.
Information: www.fairvotemn.org
3
Instant Runoff Voting — a primer
What is Instant Runoff Voting?
IRV is a ranked ballot method of voting that results in a winner chosen by a majority of the
voters. The voters rank the candidates in order of preference. Each voter has one vote which
counts for the highest preferred candidate that can use it. The term "Instant Runoff Voting" was
coined because the method of transferring votes from defeated candidates to continuing
candidates is just like a runoff election except that it is accomplished on one ballot. It is also
known as Single Transferable Vote (single winner version), Alternative Vote, and Majority
Preferential Vote.
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is defeated, and those votes are transferred to the next ranked candidate on each ballot. The votes
are recounted. The process continues until one candidate has a majority of the votes and is
declared the winner.
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Instant Runoff Voting — a primer
Majority rule is a fundamental principle of democracy. However, in recent years, winners of
elections frequently have been chosen by less than a majority of voters. In the last three
presidential elections, the winner received less than a majority of the popular vote. In Minnesota
in 1998, not a single state-wide constitutional officer was elected with a majority of the vote.
Most notably, Jesse Ventura was elected with 37 percent of the vote, the second lowest winning
percentage in state history. In 2000, both statewide races (for President and for U.S. Senate) and
three U.S. Representatives were elected with less than a majority of the vote. In 2002, with four
major parties competing, four of the five statewide elections were decided by less than a
majority, and the principle of majority rule was once again not confirmed. Instant Runoff Voting
would assure that the principle of majority rule is upheld in Minnesota elections.
When a majority of voters divides itself between two candidates, the larger party may decry the
presence of the smaller party as spoiling the election and causing unrepresentative results by
electing a third candidate who did not receive majority backing. The smaller party is aggrieved
by the distraction of the voting system's effects and the lost opportunity to campaign on its
issues. Caught in the middle are many voters who are conflicted over how to cast an effective
vote. The "spoiler problem" would be eliminated by Instant Runoff Voting. With IRV, smaller
parties can campaign on their issues. Larger parties' opportunities will not be lost due to peculiar
system effects. Voters can vote their conscience without fear of not having a voice in the final
outcome.
IRV results in a more positive campaign and better information for voters because candidates
have an incentive to appeal to their rivals' supporters to be their 2nd choices. Candidates will be
less likely to distort the differences with a rival and will be more likely to say how they are
similar to a rival.
1. A runoff election is expensive and logistically difficult to administer.
2. Voter turnout drops significantly in the second election, calling into question whether
meaningful majority rule has actually been achieved.
3. A longer campaign season increases the cost of campaigning, a consequence at odds with
current sentiment about the need for campaign finance reform.
4. Cutting the field to two candidates may be too abrupt, as the majority might prefer a
candidate eliminated in the first round (The 2002 French presidential election is an
example of how this might happen. See
httD://www.fairvoteinn.ora/articles/archives/majority 05012002.html for more
information.)
5. After the field is cut to two candidates, negative campaigning is more likely.
With IRV, a larger pool of voters can participate in choosing the winner. It is a more sure method
of discovering the wishes of the majority. IRV promotes a positive campaign and eliminates a
costly and unnecessary second election.
FA
Instant Runoff Voting — a primer
Does IRV require sty tl t?
No. Cities with home rule charters can adopt IRV by incorporating it in their charter. State and
federal elections could be conducted by IRV simply by changing state law.
How do we t IRV in Minnesota?
There are three sensible immediate steps to move toward using IRV in Minnesota:
Electronic voting equipment should be upgraded to process a ranked ballot. All new
voting equipment purchased or certified for purchase should have the flexibility to
process a variety of ballot types, including ranked ballots as well as the more familiar
`vote for one' or `vote for up to x' ballots.
2. Public education is needed to understand why a change is needed and what the benefits
are of the IRV alternative. That should include a state -commissioned blue ribbon panel to
study our voting system and compare it to alternative systems. An excellent example is a
bipartisan study done by the University of Illinois Institute on Government and Public
Affairs. See
http://www.igpa.uillinois.edu/publications/specPubs/index.html#electoralSystems.
3. Local government adoption of Instant Runoff Voting could serve as a laboratory for the
rest of the state to observe and learn from. Some have questioned whether home rule
cities have the authority to do this without state authorization. FairVote Minnesota has
researched the legal basis for home rule cities to adopt IRV. The findings have been
published in the October 2002 issue of Bench & Bar of Minnesota.
APPENDIX. A COMPARISON OF
SELECTED ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
The principal purpose of this section is to propose and evaluate four electoral systems,
including the current plurality system, that conceivably could be used to elect members to
the Illinois House of Representatives.
The discussion is divided into three parts:
(1) an enumeration of nine criteria to evaluate electoral systems;
(2) a summary of the four electoral systems; and
(3) an evaluation of the systems using the nine criteria,
PROPOSED CRITERIA FOR JUDGING AN ELECTORAL SYSTEM
We all have an idea or two about what makes for a good electoral system. A Republican
might prefer majority voting, for example, because he or she knows that most people in the
state are Republicans. Or independents might favor proportional representation because it
helps minor parties win legislative seats. A truly systematic evaluation, however, requires
an explicit, inclusive, and exhaustive list of general criteria that can be applied to any
electoral system of interest.
Scholars and practitioners have spent considerable time setting forth such criteria.
Building on past efforts, the task force concluded that the following nine criteria should be
used to evaluate an electoral system:
1. Does it encourage citizen participation in the electoral process?
2. Does it encourage competition and offer citizens a real choice in the selection of
legislative representatives?
3. Does it simplify the voting task and enhance voter understanding of that task?
4. Does it ensure that the partisan division of elected legislators closely resembles the
overall pattern of partisan votes in the electorate?
5. Does it provide fair regional representation in the legislature?
6. Does it provide significant racial, ethnic, and gender representation in the legislature?
7. Does it enhance the accountability of legislators to their constituents?
8. Does it foster decisiveness in the legislative process?
9. Does it encourage cooperation and the effective participation of all legislators?
We take the first three criteria —encourages citizen participation, offers citizens a real
choice, and simplifies the voting task —to be uncontestable. Any electoral system that fails
to meet these three criteria does not serve its citizens well. Debate is morelikely to center on
the remaining criteria. This is not because any particular criterion is undesirable —most
students of electoral systems endorse them all —but because meeting one criterion often
conflicts with meeting another. For example, ensuring that the partisan division of elected
legislators closely resembles the partisan vote (criterion 4) is not likely to be compatible
with ensuring significant racial, ethnic, and gender representation in the legislature
(criterion 6) . An electoral system designed to maximize the representation of women,
Executive Summary. Report on Political Representation and Alternarive Electoral Systems ■ 29
Hispanics, and African -Americans almost never will produce a legislature that accurately
represents the partisan split in the vote. Similarly, encouraging decisiveness in the
legislative process (criterion 8) likely will conflict with encouraging the effective
participation of all legislators (criterion 9).
Most political disagreements about the choice of electoral systems are over one or both
of two issues. We just discussed the first; which of the conflicting criteria are more
important. The second —how well a particular system meets the criteria —will become
evident when we try to apply the nine criteria to several systems. We will do that shortly.
First, however, we need to identify the systems and then briefly discuss them.
FOUR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
Single -Member District Plurality Voting
Single -member district plurality voting (SMD) is the system most commonly used for
legislative elections in the United States. Also known as "first -past -the -post," SMD is the
system currently used to elect state legislators to the Illinois House and Senate. All of the
candidates appear on the ballot —the list typically is winnowed to two, one from each of the
two dominant parties, via primary elections —and each voter votes for one of them. The
winner is the candidate with the most votes, whether or not that candidate's votes are a
majority of the total.
Two of the most often cited advantages of this system are its simplicity and its low
administrative costs. It is also seen as a system that promotes close ties between legislator
and constituency, in that the districts are relatively small and constituents know whom to
contact in time of need. It promotes a two-party system because third -party candidates
rarely win. Critics are quick to note that SMD wastes all the votes cast for the losing
candidate(s) and denies representation to third parties. It also encourages gerrymandering,
which in turn leads to a decline in competitive districts, often to the extent that there is only
a single candidate from which to choose.
Instant Run -Off Voting
A variation of plurality voting is instant run-off voting (IRV) . Just as in plurality voting,
all candidates are listed on the ballot. But instead of voting for only one candidate, voters
rank the candidates in order of their preference (" 1" for first choice, " 2 " for second, etc.).
The counting is also different from plurality voting. A computer scans and tabulates the
ballots. First, all the number one preferences of the voters are counted. If a candidate
receives over 50 percent of the first choice votes, he or she is declared elected. If no
candidate receives a majority of the first -place votes, the candidate with the fewest votes is
eliminated. The ballots of supporters of this candidate are then transferred to whichever of
the remaining candidates was marked as the number -two choice. The vote is then recounted
to see if any one candidate now receives a majority. This process continues until one
candidate receives a majority of the vote, which consists of his or her first -place votes plus
the needed number of continuing votes.
Advocates of IRV believe that it has two notable advantages over first -past -the -post
voting. First, the winning candidate will have the meaningful support of a majority of the
voters, which increases his or her legitimacy. Second, IRV ensures that an independent or a
third -party candidate will not play spoiler and throw the election to the one of the two
30
major -party candidates who in fact was not the electorate's overall first choice. On the other
hand, IRV is more administratively complex. Closely related, summing the continuing votes
to identify a winning candidate can lead to perverse outcomes when many voters do not
identify second and third choices.
Cumulative Voting
Cumulative voting (CV) was used to elect members to the Illinois House until 1982. In
the United States, CV is the most talked about form of semi -proportional representation. It
currently is not used in any country outside the United States; and within the United States,
it is used at the local level.
The cumulative voting system retains the plurality, first -past -the -post part of SMD.
Candidates run in multi -member districts. Voters have as many votes as there are seats.
Voters cast their votes for individual candidates and the winners are the ones with the most
votes. The major difference from SMD systems is that voters can "cumulate" or combine
their votes, instead of just having to cast one vote for one candidate. In other words, voters
can distribute their votes among candidates in any way they prefer.
Proponents of CV see it as an especially effective way to ensure minority party
representation. Many also believe that it can increase the chances for racial and ethnic
minorities to win representation and thus see it as the best alternative to race- and ethnic -
conscious districting. Cumulative voting also discourages gerrymandering, or at least
makes if more difficult. On the other hand, a large number of candidates, especially in the
primary election, can overwhelm citizens' ability to make rational choices. Critics of
cumulative voting as it existed in Illinois argue that party control over candidate selection
was much greater than met the eye. They also contend that the actual act of voting was too
complicated for many voters.
Party -List Voting
Party -list Voting (PLV) is a form of proportional voting, which is the main rival to
plurality -majority voting. Among advanced Western democracies, proportional
representation (PR) has become the predominant system. In Western Europe, for example,
21 of the 28 countries use PR. These include Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, Finland,
Greece, Ireland, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden,
and Switzerland. PR operates on a simple principle: the number of seats a political party or
group wins should be in proportion to the legislature support it garnered among voters. So,
if a political party (or group) wins 30 percent of the vote, it should receive 30 percent of the
seats.
Under PLV systems, legislators are elected in large, multi -member districts. Each party
puts up a list or slate of candidates equal to the number of seats in the district. Independent
candidates can also run, and they are listed separately on the ballot as if they were their
own party. On the ballot, voters indicate their preference for a particular party and the
parties then receive seats in proportion to their share of the vote. So, in a five -member
district, if the Democrats win 40 percent of the vote, they would win two of five seats. The
two winning Democratic candidates would be chosen according to their position on the list.
There are two broad types of list systems: closed list and open list. In a closed list system,
the party fixes the order in which candidates are listed and elected, and the voter simply
casts a vote for the party as a whole. That is, winning candidates are selected in the exact
Executive Summary. Report on Political Representation and Alternative Electoral Systems ■ 31
order that the parties put them on the list. Most European democracies now use the open
list form of party voting. This approach allows voters to express a preference for particular
candidates, not just parties. It is designed to give voters some say over the order of the list
and thus which candidates get elected. Voters are presented with unordered or random lists
of candidates chosen in party primaries. Voters cannot vote for a party directly, but must
cast a vote for an individual candidate. This vote counts for the specific candidate as well as
for the party. So the order of the final list used to choose legislators completely depends on
the number of votes won by each candidate on the list. For example, if the Democrats win
two of five seats, and Joe and Mary receive the most Democratic votes, Joe and Mary are
elected.
PLV and proportional representation (PR) systems more generally tend to be friendlier
than other systems to minority parties. They also waste fewer votes and afford better
representation of racial, ethnic, and gender minorities. The districts tend to be more
competitive, and representation of diverse interests in the legislature is relatively good. PR
systems also reduce gerrymandering and encourage greater discussion of issues in
campaigns. On the other hand, PR systems can foster unstable legislative coalitions and
legislative gridlock. Some critics feel that, in a multi -party system (which PR encourages),
small parties have too much power and get too many concessions. If the multi -member
districts become too large, it weakens constituency -legislator relationships. Closed lists
encourage parties to select diverse candidates, while open lists give more power to voters.
Open lists also can become highly complicated and can intensify intra-party rivalries, since
candidates often end up campaigning against other candidates of the same party.
A Hypothetical Example
To see how different electoral systems can lead to different outcomes, consider two
types of district. In the first, the district is split 70-30 between X and Y, where X and Y can
stand for Democrat and Republican, white and non -white, men and women, etc. Under
both plurality and instant run-off voting, the X candidate wins. Under cumulative and party
list voting, there will be more winning X than winning Y candidates, but both types will be
elected to the legislature. The difference in the cumulative and party listing voting outcomes
will depend on the extent to which the candidates included in the party list differ from
those who would run on their own.
Next consider a very different district: one that is split 34, 33, and 33 percent among
three interests. Designate these interests, respectively, as X, Y, and Z. Under plurality voting,
the X candidate wins. Under instant run-off, in contrast, any of the three candidates can
win, depending on how voters' second preferences are configured across the three
candidates. Whereas the plurality and instant run-off voting systems led to similar
outcomes in the first example, they do not here. Under cumulative and party list voting, at
least one candidate X will be elected to office. How the other two seats will be allocated
(assuming there are three in total) under cumulative voting is not clear. Under party list
voting, it is almost certain that one X, one Y, and one Z candidate will be elected to office.
Not everyone will agree on the most desirable system. No one can deny, however, that
the choice of an electoral system has considerable consequences for the way that citizens'
votes are translated into legislative seats.
32
AN EVALUATION OF THE FOUR ELECTORAL SYSTEMS
We have delineated nine criteria and briefly summarized four electoral systems. How,
then, do the four systems stand up vis-a-vis the criteria? To answer this question, we have
done the following. For each criterion, we have placed the four systems along a 10-point
scale, ranging from very poor to very good. Thus, on any given criterion, one can quickly
compare the performance of the four systems.
Two notes of caution are in order. First, not everyone will agree with our conclusions.
Indeed, our principal purpose is to encourage discussion of the systems vis-a-vis the
criteria, not to impose our own conclusions. Second, any evaluation requires simplifying
what is in reality a very complex political phenomenon. The consequences of different
electoral systems depend on a host of factors: how the population is distributed, who
controls the financing of campaigns (which itself can depend on the type of electoral system
that is being used), and what factors citizens consider most important (party versus racial
and ethnic identification, for example).
With these caveats duly noted, our evaluations appear in the box on the next page.
Following is a brief discussion of our rationale for the alignment of systems on each of the
nine criteria.
Criteria 1 and 2: Encourages Citizen Participation and Offers Citizens a
Real Choice
Plurality and instant -run-off voting fare poorly on these two criteria because both
systems encourage gerrymandering, which in turn reduces competition and thus voting
turnout. In contrast, cumulative and party -list -voting systems typically afford citizens
meaningful choices and thus do better at encouraging citizens to vote.
Criterion 3: Simplifies the Voting Task
Plurality voting systems excel in meeting this criterion. Typically, at least in general
elections, voters are asked to choose between two candidates who run on the two major -
party labels. All three of the other systems, in contrast, require the voter to make more
complicated choices. Sometimes the task before the voter can be formidable and lead to
confusion.
Criterion 4: Ensures Accurate Translation of Partisan Votes into Legislative
Seats
Plurality voting does relatively poorly on this criterion because all of the votes in a
district that go to other than the winning candidate are wasted. Instant run-off voting
performs better because voters' second and third preferences are taken into account if no
candidate receives a majority of the votes on the first ballot. Cumulative and party list
voting are designed to provide a fairly accurate translation of the partisan vote shares into
shares of the legislative seats.
Executive Summary, Report on Political Representation and Alternative Electoral Systems ■ 33
Criterion 5: Provides Fair Regional Representation in the Legislature
Illinois historically has divided into three political regions: Cook County, the
surrounding collar counties, and downstate. None of the systems would be extremely poor
at representing all three regions. However, cumulative and party -list voting do better at
ensuring that all regions receive majority and minority party representation in the
legislature. Both also do better at ensuring the representation of various groups across all
three regions.
Criterion 6: Provides Signillcant Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Representation.
Any form of proportional or semi -proportional representation (party -list and
cumulative voting, respectively) potentially will achieve this goal more fully than plurality
and majority systems will. Indeed, the goal of group representation is usually the rallying
cry for implementation of the former systems.
Criterion 7. Enhances Accountability of Legislators to Constituents
Plurality voting fares poorly on this criterion because it affords parties the opportunity
to carve out legislative districts in a way that reduces if not eliminates competition.
Cumulative and party -list voting strengthen the accountability of representatives to certain
parts of the constituency.
Criterion 8: Fosters Decisiveness in the Legislative Process
Relative to plurality voting, cumulative and party -list voting weaken decisive legislative
decision -making. Under the most extreme of circumstances, when party list voting leads to
a fragmented party system, minor party legislators can stall and sometimes stop legislative
policymaking.
Criterion 9: Encourages Effective Participation of All Legislators
Cumulative voting is an especially effective vehicle by which to ensure that all legislators
effectively participate in the policy process. At the other extreme, plurality voting and
single -member districts increase the opportunities for leaders to gain power over the rank -
and -file.
34
SMD, Single -Member District Plurality Voting
IRV, Instant Run -Off Voting
CV, Cumulative Voting
PLV, Party -List Voting
VERY
VERY
POOR
GOOD
CRITERION 1
2 3
4 5 6 7
S
9 10
Encourages Citizen
Participation
SMD
IRV CV
PLV
Offers Citizens a Real
Choice
SMD
IRV
CV
PLV
Simplifies the
Voting Task
CV PLV
IRV
SMD
Ensures Accurate Translation
of Partisan Votes into
Legislative Seats
SMD
IRV
CV
PLV
Provides Fair Regional
Representation in Legislature
SMD IRV
CV
PLV
Provides Significant Racial,
Ethnic, and Gender
Representation
SMD IRV
CV
PLV
Enhances Accountability of
Legislators to Constituents
SMD
IRV CV
PLV
Fosters Decisiveness in
Legislative Process
PLV CV
IRV
SMD
Encourages Effective
Participation of All Legislators
SMD
IRV PLV
CV
Executive Summary. Report on Political Representation and Alternative Electoral S,vswnis e h